Developing Countries Should Invest in Prisoners, Not Prisons

Prisons

Prison fence by Flick user Brad.K under an Attribution 2.0 Generic license.

By Carmen Garcia Gallego

Prisons are an essential element of a functioning justice system, but detention facilities often focus on punishing rather than rehabilitating convicts. This can lead to high rates of recidivism and be so expensive that issues with overcapacity, inadequate health services, and violence seem almost inevitable. There are 10 million people incarcerated worldwide, and overcrowding in prisons is an issue in 120 countries. These issues are particularly prevalent in developing countries like Brazil and Indonesia, which have large prison populations and insufficient means to maintain them.

Amidst these challenges, new models of detention focused on convict rehabilitation, vocational training, and greater inmate freedom have been successfully developed. New ideas on prison reform are essential to address the overwhelming issues that strain prison systems worldwide, and increased attention on mass incarceration presents a great opportunity for reform. Now is the time to look at existing prison models and enact change in a way that can both improve inmates’ well-being and advance countries’ development priorities in a cost-effective and sustainable manner.

The APAC Prison Model in Brazil

Brazil has the third-highest prison population in the world, behind the United States and China, with over 690,000 prisoners. Prisons are a big issue in Brazil, where overcrowding, security, violence, and poor conditions are regularly featured on news headlines. In the first week of 2017, almost 100 people were killed in gang-related violence in prisons in Manaus and Roraima. In the same week, 184 inmates escaped. Yet Brazilian prisons are also making the headlines for a different reason: treating some convicts humanely.

The Association for the Protection and Assistance to Convicts (APAC) opened its first prison in Brazil in 1972 and now runs 50 facilities. APAC is overseen by the faith-based non-profit Brazilian Fraternity of Assistance to the Convicted (FBAC). Unlike public and private prisons, APAC prisons give inmates – called recuperandos, “recovering people” – freedom, work, and study opportunities. Prisoners hold the key to their own cells, wash their own clothes, cook their own meals, study, and attend group therapy sessions. There are currently 3,500 recuperandos in APAC facilities, roughly 0.5 percent of the entire Brazilian prison population. To be incarcerated at an APAC facility, inmates must first pass through the national penitentiary system and show remorse, willingness to work and study, and commitment to the APAC philosophy. If they pass and meet certain requirements – for example, they must not be serving a lifelong sentence and they must have family living in the solicited region – they may be transferred by a judge to an APAC prison.

Transfer can be extremely beneficial to inmates. One inmate, who was serving a sentence for drug trafficking, was transferred to an APAC prison after four months in a conventional correctional facility. Now, she is the head of a prison council and works to reduce her 8-year sentence. Inmates can receive drug rehabilitation courses in partnership with local universities on how to prevent drug use, and they are taught that they are co-responsible for their own recovery. Another recuperando was given jail time for theft and, upon entry into the APAC system, took a training course on civil construction and landed a job in the field after serving his sentence. Prisoners do not escape, partly because a failed escape attempt will land them back in a conventional prison, but also because being in an APAC facility gives inmates a sense of community and responsibility. This is reflected in impressive recidivism rates: 7 to 20 percent of APAC prisoners go back to jail at some point, well below the national average of 70 percent.

APAC prisons have not only benefited inmates; they have also helped Brazil save money, manage overcapacity, and fill skills gaps. Maintaining a prisoner in an APAC facility costs one third of maintaining one in a state prison: the Brazilian state pays 3000 reais (nearly $800) on average per prisoner in a state prison versus 950 reais (around $250) for an APAC recuperando. The enormous difference is due to the lack of paid prison guards and weapons and the costs saved by allowing prisoners to farm, cook, clean facilities, and perform maintenance tasks as needed.

If, hypothetically, half of Brazil’s 690,000 prisoners were transferred from a federal prison to an APAC facility, Brazil could save nearly 1.5 billion reais (over $400 million) and invest this money in education, health, or infrastructure. These investments are much more likely to create jobs and better provide for the people, which will decrease incentives to commit crimes in the first place. Providing vocational training at APAC facilities can also help inmates find quality job opportunities after serving their sentences and help fill some of the skills gap in Brazil’s workforce. For example, tourism will create 1.5 million jobs in Brazil by 2027 – jobs that will require language and hospitality skills. Agriculture makes up 45 percent of all Brazilian exports, and changing technologies will require workers with more technical skills to work in agriculture. Training recuperandos in the tourism and agriculture sectors can help meet future demand and complement existing APAC programs that train inmates to be car mechanics, painters, and security officers, among others.

Bringing the APAC Model to Indonesia

19 countries in the Americas, Europe, and Asia have APAC-like prisons. They are notably absent from Indonesia, a country which could benefit tremendously from the model. Indonesia’s prison population has nearly quadrupled since 2000, making it the seventh largest in the world today, with roughly 248,000 prisoners. The prison system in Indonesia faces challenges of overcrowding, escapes, riots, and understaffing like that of Brazil. Corrupt prison staff provide drugs, outings, and phones to wealthy convicts. Prisons are at 198% of capacity, making it difficult for prison guards to monitor communications to counter the important issue of radicalization. In 2016, for example, a radicalized ex-convict launched a suicide bomb attack in Jakarta. He had been influenced by an Islamist cleric in prison who, while incarcerated, was able to publish his allegiance to the Islamic State on Facebook.

Implementing the APAC model in Indonesia would help address some of these issues. Receiving education and skills training at APAC prisons could discourage inmates from becoming radicalized and help them find jobs after serving their sentences. Levels of labor productivity are exceptionally low in Indonesia, and almost one-third of the workforce is in a position of vulnerable employment. Indonesia ranks low in terms of technological readiness and has made efforts to increase its economic competitiveness, but technological advances threaten to thwart economic growth. Addressing some of these issues will require a more productive, skilled workforce and placing a greater emphasis on the manufacturing and high value services sectors. Providing prisoners with technical and vocational training can help fill some of these skills gaps, and it can ensure that convicts are prepared for the jobs of the future when they are reintegrated into society.

With regards to improving inmates’ well-being, the rehabilitation and education aspect of the APAC model could greatly aid the drug crisis in Indonesian prisons. One of the major reasons for Indonesia’s large prison population is that the country criminalizes narcotics use with a three-year sentence. Over 80 percent of Indonesian inmates are in jail due to narcotics-related charges. The drug problem continues within jails; prisoners contract HIV within cells and, in 2013, even a meth lab was found inside Indonesia’s biggest prison, Cipinang. Transferring some of these addicted inmates to APAC-like facilities and offering them rehabilitation and education could help alleviate their addictions, reduce HIV mortality rates, and decrease prison overcrowding.

Education and rehabilitation benefit both inmates and the state, and Indonesia stands to gain from other aspects of the APAC model as well. First, Indonesia could save a large sum of money and address the problem of overcapacity by reallocating prison guards. In 2015, there were only 15,000 prison guards in the entire federal prison system and they earned an average $300 a month. Low pay and understaffing can lead to corruption, escapes, drug use, and radicalization, among others, so this issue must be promptly addressed. Since APAC prisons require little to no guards, transferring prisoners to APAC facilities would allow federal prison personnel to pay better attention to remaining convicts. They could receive higher pay and more staff could be hired with the amount saved.

Second, Indonesia could save money on maintaining the prisoners themselves. The Indonesian government spends 15,000 rupiah (about $1 dollar) per prisoner per day – which translates to $90 billion per year. If APAC facilities in Indonesia had similar cost structures to those in Brazil (i.e. if the cost of maintaining a prisoner in an APAC facility were one-third the cost of maintaining one in a federal prison), and if just 20 percent of the prison population were transferred to APAC facilities, over $12 million could be saved per year. If APAC facilities yielded lower recidivism rates, overall cost savings could increase yearly. These funds could be reinvested in education, social reform, health, or rehabilitation programs for drug offenders. However, it is unclear whether the same cost savings would apply – further analysis should be conducted on this matter.

Lastly, the Indonesian Ministry of Justice and Human Rights announced that 49 prisons, 13 detention centers, and 62 rehabilitations centers would be constructed in 2015. In 2016, plans for a new high-security prison and four other new prisons were also announced. It is unclear how much progress has been made on these initiatives, but it signals that Indonesia is paying attention to prison-related issues and is aware of the need for reform. This presents a great opportunity to promote the APAC model and install it in detention and rehabilitation centers. These centers could be built instead of high-security facilities and conventional prisons, cutting construction costs and transferring non-violent prisoners to detention centers, thereby addressing the issue of overcapacity, and maintaining dangerous convicts in conventional and high-security prisons.

Broader Implications and Recommendations for Prison Reform

The APAC system could be implemented in both developed and developing countries, beyond Brazil to countries like Indonesia. However, the model’s success in Brazil does not guarantee that it will be equally successful elsewhere. Even in Brazil, local involvement and political will are necessary to open APAC prisons, and efforts to open new facilities have been thwarted in the past due to financial issues, overcrowding, and corruption. Nevertheless, there are APAC prisons in 19 countries and those that are running are thriving, suggesting that the model can be replicated in different contexts. Countries interested in this model must first consider social, economic, and political factors, strengths and weaknesses of current penitentiary systems, and skills and workforce needs. The amount of money saved, the number of prisoners held, and the types of education and rehabilitation offered at the facilities would vary from country to country. Further study on potential impact should be conducted to ensure that the APAC system is viable and beneficial in the long run, in Indonesia or in any other country.

It is worth noting that, in Brazil, APAC only hosts a small fraction of the whole prison population. Even if the program were extended, not all prisoners would be eligible for transfer. Inmates in high-level security facilities, violent persons, and repeat offenders are unlikely to be given the keys to their own cells. However, APAC facilities can host vulnerable populations, non-violent and low-severity offenders, and prisoners awaiting trial worldwide. Therefore, the APAC solution is not a one size fits all: it may only benefit a subset of the prison population, but it should still be considered as part of prison reform due to the tremendous development opportunities it presents.

In sum, reforming prisons should be a development priority. Introducing more humane, cost-effective prison systems can save countries millions of dollars to reinvest in line with development priorities, decrease recidivism rates, and reintegrate ex-convicts into the workforce in ways that reduce skills gaps and advance countries’ economic interests.

 

 

BUILDing a Better Economic Future Requires People, not just Infrastructure

By Alicia Phillips Mandaville and Kristin Lord

 

Last month, heads of state from around the world gathered in New York City for the UN General Assembly to discuss, among other topics, global development goals. This year, there was no shortage of whiplash for both policy makers and American citizens who prioritize the United States’ engagement in the world: just after President Trump’s General Assembly address caused hand-wringing in New York, a momentous global development event unfolded in Washington DC with the bi-partisan passage and White House support of the BUILD act, which establishes a new U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (USIDFC).

 

Designed to enable infrastructure investments in emerging and developing economies, this new DFI can create new market opportunities for Americans and economic growth for our partners. But to fully reap the potential, we must ensure fresh, actionable thinking about the fundamental relationship between human capital and infrastructure in long-term economic growth. Based on prior experience with the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) and the discussions around the USIDFC so far, this may not happen without an explicit and intentional focus early on.

 

Investing in infrastructure is important. It directly impacts economic growth and signifies progress to all who observe it. As anyone who has traveled to major urban centers or economic hubs knows, infrastructure is the nerve system through which an economy operates. Whether highways, sanitation, or telecoms, infrastructure enables transactions and information to move at the speed needed for a modern economy.  And, despite the noise and the dynamism, if you have ever stood in the middle of a busy industrial port anywhere in the world, there is something quietly reassuring about the resonant buzz of that operation. It is as if you can feel the growth happening around you.

 

But if there is one lesson that economists and humanity have learned over and over, it is that the economic growth equation fails in the absence of human contribution; no matter how well it is equipped, an economy without dynamic human resources is a recipe for stagnation. Development organizations know this: the historic, multilateral, “if you build it they will come” model of public goods provision led to roads-to-nowhere and was roundly critiqued by academics and development technocrats alike early in the 21st century. This was in part what led the US to stand up the MCC as an effort to put resources in those countries already investing in human capital and sound governance, and therefore was able to provide an environment in which investments in public infrastructure could have maximum impact. It is also why World Bank President Jim Kim’s efforts to focus on human capital so revolutionary.

 

The BUILD Act, and the USIDFC it creates, is built on this and other hard-learned lessons of development. But it emerges at a point in time when nearly everything we know about the nature of dynamic human contributions to an economy are in question. The global labor market is changing, and with the rise of automated systems, artificial intelligence, and employment platforms, so are our expectations about the very role of humans in a labor market. Common wisdom is that the jobs of the future in all economies will center around complex, creative, and interpersonal skills – but no one quite knows what it will take to get there. 

 

Looking at this uncertainty, it could be easy for a newly minted USIDFC (and other US levers of economic development) to cause the US to focus exclusively on the physical capital side of investment. That would be a mistake. To succeed, the USIDFC will need to apply one of the most complicated and least glamorous lessons of the MCC: investing in both the human and physical side of economic growth. Without that, it will fail to leverage this obvious moment for American economic leadership in a dynamic sector, and neglect opportunities both at home and abroad. To put it more pithily, US foreign assistance needs to invest in people as well as in stuff. 

 

What does this mean? The USIDFC needs to make a tangible commitment to rigorously designing and evaluating the human capital side of its investments. It may require new research and creativity to assess the evolving effect of secondary and higher education transitions, or the role of informal education, apprenticeships, or other employment focused interventions at the young adult and adult level. But to be successful over time, the DFC’s economic assessments must articulate their assumptions about the role of people in making economies work, and impact evaluations of that work should create the same type of robust experiments that MCC depended on to explore investment returns in agriculture, transport, and power sectors. That may also mean pulling other foreign assistance agencies as well as private sector and philanthropic partners in to make complementary investments in human capacity that align with their own mandates.

 

We know there are a tremendous number of ways for individuals to actively participate in an economy, and that this participation is necessary for growth as well as for political and social stability. Genuinely evaluating the ways US investments and foreign assistance support this crucial participation will invariably lead us to some positive conclusions and some painful realizations – that is the nature of robust impact assessment. But we all see the future of work changing. It would be inexcusable for the development community to believe that has no implication for the way we work too.  

 

Alicia Phillips Mandaville is Vice President of IREX, and a non-resident Senior Associate for the CSIS Project on Prosperity and Development. Kristin Lord is President and CEO of IREX, a global development and education nonprofit celebrating its 50th year.

Secretary Carlucci valued American Soft Power and Allies

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Secretary of Defense Frank C. Carlucci transfers the rein of command of US Central Command from General George B. Crist (USMC) to General H. Norman Schwarzkopf (USA) on January 11, 1988

By Daniel F. Runde and Christopher Metzger

Legacy of Service

Former Secretary of Defense Frank Carlucci passed away last month. There is a generation who do not know his exemplary legacy of public service. For all those who remember him, Secretary Carlucci is best known for his later career as National Security Adviser and Secretary of Defense under President Reagan.  He is less known for his very important contributions to using American soft power to increase freedom and create deeper ties with allies while serving in Portugal; it is this part of his legacy that deserves more attention.

Before serving as a political appointee, Secretary Carlucci was a career ambassador and foreign service officer service in Africa and Latin America starting in the 1950s. But he really made a major contribution when he was ambassador to Portugal from 1975-1978. Secretary Carlucci was sent to Portugal during a period of utter chaos. From 1932 to 1968, António de Oliveira Salazar had ruled Portugal as a dictator, suppressing political freedom and establishing the Estado Novo (“New State”). Shortly after Salazar suffered a stroke and was replaced, 300 officers called the Armed Forces Movement and led by Francisco da Costa Gomes successfully completed a coup in what would be later be called the Revolution of the Carnations. By 1975, the Portuguese Communist party and other Marxist-Leninist groups had won virtual control of the government, and it seemed that all of the Lusophone and Ibero American countries in South America and Africa would fall to communism as well.

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Official Portrait of Secretary of Defense Frank Carlucci on November 1, 1987

To this day, Secretary Carlucci is very highly regarded in Portugal for his leadership during the “Portuguese Revolution” of 1975-1976. Ambassador Secretary Carlucci famously remained in the country even after Otelo Sariva de Carvalho, a leading leftist member of the military, said they could “not assure his safety.” Leveraging USAID and other forms of American soft power, Secretary Carlucci was a key figure in Portugal’s democratization and ultimate election of its first Prime Minister, Mario Soares. According to an interview with Amb Carlucci by the Gerald Ford Foundation, “if Portugal hadn’t gone democratic, it’s really questionable whether Spain would’ve. And Spain set the pace for Latin America.”

Secretary Carlucci was also instrumental in the negotiations over the Azores islands in the Atlantic Ocean. The United States had stationed a fleet of planes at the Lajes field in the Azores islands since World War II. After the war was over, Portugal and the U.S. reached an agreement that granted the U.S. the right to use the Azores, while the Portuguese government retained ownership of the land and infrastructure. Our basing rights on these islands, near Northern Africa, have only grown in importance over the years.

Another part of Mr. Carlucci’s legacy in Portugal was his involvement with the Luso-American Foundation that continues to build ties between the U.S. and Portugal and the growing Lusophone (i.e. Portuguese speaking) world. At a time when the U.S. is considering how to maintain ties with countries that used to receive foreign assistance, the Luso-American Foundation is an example that deserves study and replication.

President Reagan named Mr. Carlucci national security advisor in 1986 and, just a year later, appointed him Secretary of Defense.  Though he is remembered primarily for these last two positions, it is the far-reaching impact of his time in Portugal that cements his legacy as a pivotal figure in the history of American foreign policy.

Daniel F. Runde is a Senior Vice President, holds the William A. Schreyer Chair in Global Analysis, and directs the Project on Prosperity and Development at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C. Christopher Metzger is the program coordinator for the CSIS Project on Prosperity and Development. 

 

Photo 1: National Archives/CCO
Photo 2: Ron Hall/CC0

Power Sharing for Post-Conflict Development: The Case of Rwanda and Burundi

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Photo of Kigali, Rwanda by Flickr user oledoe under an Attribution-ShareAlike 2.0 Generic license.

By Francis Jung

Introduction

According to the World Bank, the IMF and the US Agency for International Development (USAID), Rwanda is doing exceptionally well at attaining the development goals outlined in its Vision 2020, despite the Rwandan Genocide of 1994.  Burundi, on the other hand, is not doing so well; especially since President Pierre Nkurunziza’s announcement to run for a third term in April of 2015.  Why is Rwanda doing so well, while Burundi is doing so poorly when it comes to achieving human development goals?

At face value, the question seems broad and mundane to which any number of people in the development community could provide a separate answer, half of which would start out with, “that depends;” but a deeper analysis of their similarities suggest that it would be reasonable to draw from the two something specific that explains why one country has driven down poverty and infant mortality while maintaining stable growth rates and the other is all but re-immersed back into conflict.

This article establishes that the reason Rwanda is doing so well is mainly due to two factors:  first, the consolidation of power, the exclusion of opposing parties and the establishment of a single-party state early on its post-conflict development and second, Rwanda’s focus on implementing the Sustainable Development Goals; and Burundi is doing so poorly because the government is vulnerable to power seeking, would-be political entrepreneurs.

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International Documentaries in Global Development: Outreach, Measuring Impact and Engagement

By Julie Tumasz

Public and private organizations can use documentaries to widen the public’s awareness of development issues, motivate public involvement, and have a beneficial impact on non-profits’ social change goals. Non-government organizations (NGO), federal governments, and the private sector use a variety of different strategies to reach, impact, and engage documentary audiences – both while watching the film and afterwards, through activism and advocacy. Measurable outcomes of documentary films can be seen in several steps of the documentary process: the story, outreach, impact and finally, engagement.  The best strategies for organizations to effectively complete these steps are to engage the viewer before, during, and after the viewing.

This article will examine two widely distributed feature-length documentaries from two different American filmmakers that focus on promoting the same social goal of education. World Vision Documentaries describes the importance to tell a development story from the perspective of an outsider because that is the same perspective as the audience the filmmakers are targeting; these films were primarily aimed at American audiences. These feature films, making use of long-form storytelling, appropriately match the complexity of development work unlike short-form advertising, spots or social media.

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A filmmaker captures a rural school in Kabwe, Zambia. Documentaries inform and motivate the global public to participate in international development issues. Photo courtesy of Flickr User Francesco Volpi, under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 2.0 Generic License.

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